I found out today that the state prosecutor handling my case will need another twenty days to write up her verdict.
I did hand over a tonne of files on Thursday evening, and I guess it will take some time for the prosecutor to read them carefully to make sure she has covered everything.
In the hope of clarifying what seems to have become a very chaotic and confusing case, I am drafting a letter to her focussing on the key crime of Theodekti. See below.
I was told it could take a year for Theodekti to be put on trial. The next phase involves more investigation followed by a decision as to whether to give Theodekti bail or put her in a jail before the trial.
I am going to ask the state prosecutor to expand the investigation to George Soros and Alexis Tsipras because of the evidence they have knowledge of my blog, the motivation and the means to silence me. It’s a reasonable request even if it fraught with political difficulties.
The visual evidence in Greek..
Dear State Prosecutor Papaioannou,
I would like in this letter to focus on the most serious crimes I think Theodekti Vallianatou needs to prosecuted for.
I think you will agree that the actions of Theodekti (physical assault, attempt at embezzlement etc), and Theonike (murder threats, strangulation etc), are not separate and unconnected crimes.
These crimes were part of a single, overarching, much more serious crime, which was, however, unsuccessful. I make a reference to this crime in my handwritten note on Theoktisti’s note dated April 19th. (Evidence, 1)
My reports to the Larisa police on April 22nd 2015 were made through former lawyer Konstantinos Christopoulos and in a third language, Greek, which I do not speak or read. This may have resulted in confusion.
In addition, evidence suggests Konstantinos Christopoulos soon joined in a conspiracy to pervert the course of justice after the first attempt by Theodekti to bribe him through Theoktisti on April 27th was thwarted because I happened to be with him, resulting in deliberate obfuscation of the original crime.
I believe that Theodekti should be prosecuted for
A) a conspiracy to commit premeditated murder by torture
AND in the light of subsequent developments
B) a conspiracy to cover up her crime
C) a conspiracy for tusing a method for perverting justice, which is calculated to set the victim up for another penalty, such as the penalty of making false accusations, either maliciously or out of “mental illness”.
I base this last assertion on the access I have had to Christopoulos’files, court files and my conversation with state prosecutor Christian Fasoula.
These crimes were committed against me on account of my journalistic activity as Theodekti herself said and as her method shows.
In addition, I believe that Theodekti is guilty of the crime of incitement. She incited Theonike and others to commit various crimes to fulfil her plan. In my view, she, therefore, has to bear the ultimate responsibility as the authority figure for the crimes also of Theonike, even if Theonike is also guilty.
Crucially, Theodekti has received the support of the Bishop of Volos, who benefitted from her financial crime, as well as other Orthodox clergy in her crimes and cover up, placing the other nuns under pressure.
From within the community, Theodekti has also received support from, at least, Theofili, who has threatened, and harassed me on email.
The brutality of Theodekti’s assault and the assualt of Theonike after the plan failed, reinforces the notion that the intention of Theodekti was to kill.
A. Theodekti and her conspiracy to commit premeditated first degree murder by torture
Theodekti is guilty of an attempt at a first degree murder because evidence shows she acted willfully, deliberately, and with premeditation.
I. She intended for her actions to result in my death. Her intention was murder
I allege that the particular method that Theodekti used in April 2015 would, if it had been successful and completed, resulted in my death by torture, and that Theodekti knew this and intended it.
She and other members in the conspiracy chose this method to silence me, a journalist, to avoid having a dead body on their hands, an investigation and to avoid the publicity that would have resulted from the fact I am too well known as a journalist.
Acting as part of a conspiracy, Theodekti’s role was to deliver me by force into a pyschiatric facility after giving false testimony and using a special emergency law. This law allows a person to be forcibly imprisoned in a facility and injected with drugs for one month on the testimony of only two people before being presented to a judge.
I allege it is reasonable to believe I would have been presented to the judge in a drugged state to my disadvantage in arguing my case. Also, I do not speak or read Greek to my disadvantage. I may have been presented with a lawyer, who could even have been under contract to Theodekti (“the monastery wants to help a former visitor”) and could have been improperly influenced by Theodekti or others in the conspiracy.
There are only three possible outcomes if Theodekti had succeeded in her plan and all of them would have resulted in my death
1. I would have been released from the pyschiatric unit after one month or shortly afterwards
2. I would have languished in the unit for a long time and died as a reseult of drugs
3. I would have been killed quickly by use of drugs
Possible outcomes 1 to 3
1. It is possible I would have been released by a judge. But even if I had been released me after one month from the unit, I would have been left on the streets of a foreign country, Greece, without any ID, money, means to communicate or to survive, likely drugged, and so condemned to almost certain homelessness, hunger and eventual death.
Theodekti’s plan involved delivering me into a unit by force and without my ID, money, property or opportunity to inform anyone beforehand. That is why she chose to take me by surprise and lock me up in Theoktisti’s office while I was talking to Theoktisti after sending Theoktisti away.
Theodekti knew that as soon as I was delivered into the pyschiatric unit, all my property, documents, passport, computers, money, would be in her sole possession.
She had no motive to return any of these items to me if I had been released and had asked for them because they would have empowered me to seek a conviction of her for her crimes.
2. I would have languished in the pyschiatric facility unable to leave.
Another possibility is that I would have been drugged, and allowed to languish for years in the psychiatric facility before dying as a result of the administration of drugs. The drugs would have been prolonged and the murder would have taken longer, but it would still have been murder caused through drugs or torture. Drugs given not to help treat a person for a mental illness but to silence a sane person are considered torture.
However, I think it unlikely that Theodekti and her network would not have risked letting me languish for years in a pyschiatric unit because of their reasonable fear that someone would have begun to investigate my disappearance as a well known journalist.Indeed, Theoktisti said to me she would have looked for me if and when she had found out I had vanished from the monastery.
I allege that Theodekti knew that Theoktisti may have looked for me and found meand would not have wished to risk the discovery.
3. I would have been killed quickly using drugs.
I contend the most likely scenario is that I would have been killed quickly in the unit.Themedical personnel inside the facility would have been bribed or improperly influenced by Theodekti and her network to use drugs to accomplish that aim.
Murder by torture and sadistic violence under these circumstances results in a dead body, but that dead body is not classified as a murder but as a patient who has failed to respond to treatment. So, if there had been an investigation by authorities, a “reasonable or lawful” explanation for my death could have been presented to hide the true motive.
To conclude, the method used by Theodekti, if completed and successful, would have resulted in my death by torture, and Theodekti knew that and intended it.
Much of my journalistic activity uncovers a substantial wrongdoing among medical personnel and regulators, and she could have relied on some support from some high ranking medical personnel.
II. Theodekti’s acted with deliberation and premeditation because she decided to commit actions that she had grounds to believe would kill me and carefully planned her approach.
The method Theodekti used showed a preconceived design that required her to use surprise, isolate me and imprison me, without my ID, computer, money, telephone etc. It required her to have one other “accomplice in the monastery” (two witnesses must testify to effect an emergency confinement under a special law). It also required her to send away Theoktisti Emsley, who would have testified that my blog posts met the criteria of journalistic activity and so prevented my forcible confinement since my blog posts were given as the reason by Theodekti for my mental illness and the need to confine me.
There was no sign that Theodekti’s decision was made rashly or impulsively. There was no provocation on my part, no accusations against me on her part, no signs of passion in her actions, such as shouting or anger. She acted with a cold and calculated determination to set in motion a premeditated plan. She attempted to lock me upafter she sent away Theoktisti, called the police, gave false testimony to have me unlawfully confined and deprived of my civil rights without due process, knowing that her a plan she intended would result in my death. That is, she intended to kill.
The fact that Theodekti immediately sent away the second in charge Theoktisti shows that she carefully weighed the considerations for and against her approach and, knew that the consequences, if she were caught, would result in a criminal conviction.
To conclude, Theodekti’s approach shows that she carefully weighed her options, and devised a plan before the act was done.
III. Theodekti is guilty of an attempt at first degree attempted murder because she lay in wait for me efore committing the act that she knew could she could reasonably expect to cause my death if successful.
1.she concealed her purpose from me her victim and from Theoktisti although Theoktisti is the second in charge of the monastery and generally consulted on all matters
2. she waited and watched for an opportunity to act
3. she waited, intended to and did make a surprise attack on me.
When she realized I was about to leave the monastery, and was asking Theoktisti for the return of the money, she seized what she thought was her last opportunity.
She lay in wait for several weeks at least.
I contend that at least when she went to Athens early in March, and in the period afterwards until she returned just before Easter, she lay in wait for an opportunity to carry out her plan.
The decision by an Athens professor of Theology, known to me as Father Alexander, who seemed to be familiar with my blog, to hold the liturgy at Easter forced her to delay her plan until he had left the monastery.
I believe she used her time in Athens to deliberate with her fellow conspirators on the exact plan to silence me.
Theodekti Vallianatou is guilty of the attempt to murder me by torture because of the method she chose.
She willfully, deliberately, and with premeditation chose a method of silencing me that would involve the infliction extreme and prolonged pain on me while I was still alive.
It is reasonable to believe that a sane journalist confined unlawfully and forcibly to a mental facility for the purpose of silencing them will be given drugs to cause harm, disorientation, pain, damage, and ultimately cause their death.
The use of pharmacogloical and medical torture for political and other purposes is widespread in the world today and has been in history.
Under the pretext of giving a person treatment, a victim is given drugs by force causing distress, in the form of pain, anxiety, psychological disturbance, immobilization, or disorientation.
Theoktisti can testify that I often said to her that I was not afraid of death or murder by a clean shot, for example, but I feared being taken under some pretext into a pyschiatric unit and forcibly drugged and tortured before being killed.
The use of drugs to torture a dissident, Winston Smith, into compliance is described in George Orwell’s classic novel 1984, and is widely recognized as a fate worse than murder for it involves prolonged torture, pain, distress and the impairment of mental faculties.
Theodekti gave my journalistic activity as her reason for her attempt to confine me before the witnesses Theosote, Thekla, Theonymphe, Theodoxee, Theophanie immediately after I escaped from her attempt to lock me into the office..
She only revealed her motive to me because she found herself forced to explain her actions to the other nuns who had gathered in the corridor.
Only at that point, and not before, did she reveal that my blog was the cause of her actions or what her intention was. She said that fact I did not write what anyone else did showed that I was mentally ill.
She also said I did not speak Greek and no one would believe me, showing more deliberation and careful weighing of factors in her plan.
The fact that Theodekti, however, sent away Theoktisti Emsley the second in command, an English native speaker, Oxford graduate, who followed and supported my blog, shows that Theodekti knew that I was sane and a journalist and committing a crime.
Theodekti’s act of perjury at Larisa court in February 2016 as a witness for lawyer Simos Samaras, whom I found directing my former lawyer Konstantinos Christopoulos in my case, was also aimed to hide her knowledge and the knowledge of Theoktisti of the contents of my blog posts precisely because it was the motivation for her actions.
She denied knowing that the subject of my blog posts were vaccines or that Theoktisti knew it, something I was able to prove was a lie from emails to her and Theoktisti referencing the Ebola vaccines.
I allege that Theodekti was acting as part of a larger conspiracy, which could include her brother, Grigoris Vallianatos.
I have offered proof that Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras and Billionaire George Soros have direct, personal knowledge of my blog, and even copy from it.
Soros and Tsipras have the motive, means and opportunity to silence me.
I note that Alexis Tsipras picked up a spelling mistake I made of the name of the Austrian Chancellor Werner Faymann on my blog after he visited Faymann in Vienna in February 2015. I suggest that Faymann showed Tsipras my blog and my report on their meeting and put it into the mind of Tsipras that I needed to be silenced and even suggested the method.
I allege that this group recruited Theodekti offering her financial or other gain, possibly approaching her through her brother, whom I saw at the monastery and who, I became aware, frequently rang Theodekti.
The Bishop of Volos, the Archbishop of Athens, who has close relationship with Tsipras, (they held a two hour secret meeting on XX) have been persuaded to support Theodekti for financial gain or favours.
After the premeditated murder attempt by torture failed, I allege the above group planned a sophisticated cover up. But to cover up their crimes was not enough. They wanted to set me up for a penalty, to silence me once and for all, either by defamation charges, bankrupted me or by forcible confinement.
At least, from the limited access I have had to my file, the court file, and conversations, the police, state prosecutor and lawyer Konstantinos Christopoulos directed the investigation in the wrong monastery, ambiguous place and wrong bank transfers while concealing this from me.