After the Greek parliament passed fresh austerity measures amid protests, I am preparing to write to every single parliament in the Eurozone urging lawmakers not to continue to give financial aide to the government of Alexis Tsipras.

Tsipras has not met key bailout targets, and his government should not be given more aide by Eurogroup ministers meeting this afternoon.


Apart from his failure to meet key fiscal targets, Tsipras has failed to meet a priority bailout condition of depoliticising the public administration.

The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed in August 2015 contained a requirement for Greece to modernize the country’s state and public administration, specifically, a committment to depoliticising it, as condition for financial aide.


“Particular attention will be paid to increasing the efficiency of the
public sector in the delivery of essential public goods and services. Measures will
be taken to enhance the efficiency of the judicial system and to upgrade the fight
against corruption,” says the Memorandum.

My own case, which is just one of many in Greece, illustrates just how dysfunctional the public administration, especially the justice and police, have become under Tsipras.

Proof has emerged that Tsipras’ government used its influence on the police and justice system to thwart an investigation into a de facto murder attempt against me, a journalist, who  highlighted his close links to Billionaire Hedge Fund manager George Soros.

A letter from the Greek Interior Ministry dated September 22, 2015 shows that the government ordered police in Larisa and Ajia to investigate a fake or invented person “Th. Vallianatou” to deflect attention from the real culprit responsible for the de facto murder attempt close in April 2015.

Ministry of Interior letter

The creation of a fake person to investigate makes a mockery of the criminal justice procedures. It makes a mockery of the 2015Memorandum of Understanding condition of fighting corruption. 

Such a dysfunctional and politicised public administration presents a real obstacle to progress in Greece. Eurozone financial ministers have a responsibility to ensure that the tax payers money is not used to finance a criminal activity misusing the government apparatus.

The Greek Interior Ministry letter actually admits that the person is fake. Police are instructed to find out the ID number and tax number of this fake person as part of the questioning process. Yet this fake person was never questioned, never gave a statement, and was never identified. “Th. Vallianatou” was invented literally to appear on paper as a key witness alongside the name of the real culprit precisely to divert attention from the real culprit.

The Larisa police official named as the contact person in the Interior Ministry letter, “Evanngelos Vangelis”, was caught red handed misdirecting the investigation to that same fake person as early as July 2015 in a handwritten note.

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My case exposes that Tsipras has made no attempt to modernise or depoliticise the public administration, especially not the justice system, a condition of bailout aide.

Tsipras and his government are, in fact, at the centre of dense web of formal and informal relationships, intransparent communications involving letters and handwritten notes and phone calls, which reach into every aspect of public administration to further their criminal ends.

In fact, I have been able to prove beyond all reasonable doubt that both Soros and Tsipras read and copy from my blog, and have argued that this fact makes them the prime suspects.


My allegation is given further credibility by the letter of Ministry of Interior, showing that the government itself was involved in an elaborate cover up of the de facto murder attempt made against me on account of my journalism activities.

When I obtained access to the verdict and letter by chance, (to keep this information from me, state prosecutors in Larisa lied about the existence of a written verdict), state prosecutors started a campaign of intimidation and obstruction, phoning my then lawyer and even the local tax office to stop me from making an appeal.

I was able to exercise only with great difficulty my legal right to appeal a staggering perversion in the course of justice, involving the suppression of essential witnesses, evidence and the inclusion of the witness statements of the accused, biased and non essential witnesses, which were themselves full of contradictions and implausibility.

Appeal ENG

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Worse, my case is being examined by the Supreme Court in Athens since February 2015. When I went to Athens to obtain the file number, I was told my a secretary of the President of the Court of Supreme Justice that she thought she had seen a letter from the Justice Ministry concerning may case.


At any rate, in spite of the unambiguous, overwhelming evidence of corruption by the Ministry of Interior, police and state prosecutors, the Supreme Court has done nothing.

My case also show the European Commssion, which is supposed to be supervising the bailout, is complicit in this corruption. How trustworthy, then, are the budgetary figures presented by Tsipras? How reliable are the statistics when my case shows how the Interior Ministry simple invents fake people out of thin air when it serves its purpose with impunity?

European Commission President Jean Claude Juncker wrote to me on 18th December 2015 in relation to my case.

On February 17th, 2016, I was given a reference number for my case by the European Commission’s corruption department and told Juncker himself had asked the head of the unity for organized crime to reply to me.


President Juncker has been fully informed about this staggering perversion of justice, but done nothing, and allowed it to continue.

Yet on Sunday, he praised the Tsipras governent for being loyal, constructive and trustworthy.

The question is whom has the Tsipras government been loyal to? To the people of Greece, whom are being driven deeper over the economy abysss by mismanagement and unbalanced policies? To the European taxpayers, whose conditions for a third bailout, including modernising the public administration, Tsipras he has brazenly trampled on? Or to the banks and hedge funds who are the real winners from this game?

In short, my case demonstrates that Tsipras has not made the slightest attempt to modernise or depoliticize the police and justice departments as agreed in the Memorandum in August 2015 and which explicitly states as a condition for further financial assistance.
The cases of political interference in the public administration  by the Tsipras government  are legion.

Thanasis Giannopoulos, the head of the Greek Centre of Disease Control, was recently fired in April after he refused to allow the Ministry of Health appoint 500 doctors and nurses to intensive care units by irregular, political means.


The majority of the university examination board has just been fired and replaced ahead of key university entrance exams.


The best thing that the Eurogroup can do now is refuse to continue withdraw from the bailout agreement, given the way Tsipras with the help of the European Commission, specifically President Juncker,  has so brazenly trampled on a commitment to create a public, depoliticised administration.

Continuing to give aide will be taken by Tsipras and the European Commission as a signal that there are no limits to the amount of European tax payers money they can plunder and pave the way for a fourth bailout and a fifth while the country of Greece itself is destroyed.

Tsipras no longer enjoys public support and new elections are a better option, especially if they bring to power a government committed to closing the country’s borders to illegal migrants.


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